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20130115
20130123
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Search Results 0 to 10 of about 11 (some duplicates have been removed)
to tell you a little secret. this is going to be my 13th inaugural. i came to the inauguration for lyndon johnson in 1964. i came with my mom. >> wow. >> next one was four years later, 1968 and that was the inauguration of richard nixon and i've covered every one of them since. >> bob, that's why we love talking to you around this time. we know it's exciting for you. it's exciting for the nation when a president takes the oath of office, but i guess if the past few weeks are any indication, president obama's second term is going to be just as challenging as the first, if not more. >> no question about that and a whole lot of what we're going to hear in the beginning is a whole lot of what we heard as last year came to a halt. the arguments over the nation's finances, the arguments we heard during the fiscal cliff, just get ready for verse 2 of the chorus of that story. it's far from done. we can also expect to hear a lot about guns and what we do about that issue. so there are a lot of people right now who are not as excited as they often when are you begin another term -- often are when
him, not being with him. frank church had voted against the vietnam war. lyndon johnson says the next time you want to damnen your district call frank church. can barack obama utilize the inherent power of that office? >> if he has personal relationships -- lyndon johnson had remarkable relationships. they knew when lyndon called lyndon meant business. the president needs to reach out a lot more. again, i know he's reached out, he's invited people over. we'd said a couple weeks ago he invited a lot of people over for spielberg to see "lincoln." >> state dinners. >> the majority leader's office called later and said yeah we got the invitation that afternoon, four hours beforehand. but you invite congressmen and senators over, one on one, they'll come. >> there is an upside to cooperation. not every battle is one of opposition. begin to reframe the image of the party with the rest of the country, number one. at the end of the day, that's what people want to see, you working with the administration. to joe's point, you don't have to agree with everything but
he utilize the power, the threat of power of the presidency the way lyndon johnson did with regard to resolutions during the course of the vietnam war? one senator voting against him, not being with him. frank church had voted against the vietnam war. lyndon johnson says the next time you want to damnen your district, call frank church. can barack obama utilize the inherent power of that office? >> if he has personal relationships -- lyndon johnson had remarkable relationships. they knew when lyndon called, lyndon meant business. the president needs to reach out a lot more. again, i know he's reached out, he's invited people over. we'd said a couple weeks ago he invited a lot of people over for spielberg to see "lincoln." >> state dinners. >> the majority leader's office called later and said, yeah, we got the invitation that afternoon, four hours beforehand. but you invite congressmen and senators over, one on one, they'll come. >> there is an upside to cooperation. not every battle is one of opposition. begin to reframe the image of the party with the rest of the country, number
states. >> the constitution of the united states. >> vice president lyndon johnson, takes the oath, which brings him together with the
lyndon johnson, john kennedy, bill clinton, or george w. bush? >> bill clinton? [ buzzer ] >> you're a winner too. >> yes, you are. >> all right, kim kardashian gets my book. so the correct answer here, president lyndon johnson. >> lyndon johnson. you might remember that famous, famous picture on air force one after president kennedy was assassinated. he was sworn in by a dallas judge, sarah hughes. >> okay. well, thank you so much. that was -- we learned a lot, and kathie lee is going to come back across the street now, and we're going to talk to a woman who knows a thing or two about money. our good friend suzy or man is with us. we're going to speak with her after this. i was living with this all-over pain. a deep, throbbing, persistent ache. my doctor diagnosed it as fibromyalgia, thought to be the result of overactive nerves that cause chronic widespread pain. lyrica is believed to calm these nerves. i learned lyrica can provide significant relief from fibromyalgia pain. and for some people, it can work in as early as the first week of treatment. so now i can do more of the t
in this senate? the contrast is enormous from the time that lyndon b. johnson was president of the senate. lyndon b. johnson for six years presiding over this body saw one filibuster. and harry reid in his six years presiding over this senate has seen 391 filibusters. and let me convey that even when you have the votes to end a filibuster, the fact that it is launched creates enormous paralysis. imagine you're debating a bill and you continue debating through the end of the week and you come in the following monday and you debate and nobody has anything to say and so somebody says, "i ask unanimous consent that we have a final vote on this bill." now, you see, we don't have a previous question, motion on this floor, so one has to ask for unanimous consent. any of a hundred senators can weigh in and say "no." and when they they weigh in and say "no" on that monday, on tuesday, a petition is put forward with 16 senators saying, let's have a vote on closing debate. and that vote can't happen until thursday, under the rules. and if it's successful on a thursday, you have to have 30 hours more of deba
tell you, brian, this is -- it's unreal to me. it is unbelievable. as lyndon johnson would say it's like history and fate coming together. for this president, this african-american, to be inaugura inaugurated for a second time on martin luther king day and can look out and see the likeness of martin luther king. to see jefferson, to see lincoln. it is just unreal. 150 years after the emancipation proclamation, almost 50 years after the march on washington, dr. king delivered the i have a dream speech, it says something about the distance we have come, the progress we have made and for him to make a speech that was so inclusive, it was about black people, white people, asian americans, latino, native americans, straight, gay, that we're one people. we're one family. we are one house. we all live in the american house. >> well, about that last point, congressman, we want to let you go and enjoy your lunch, we all do live in the same house and there you are. you have gone from the struggle earlier in your life to a warrior in the house of representatives. you have got an anxious amer
the civil rights act of 1964. it took lyndon johnson to probably send it forward. he overcame what seems to be an unshakable logjam. in short, in our lifetimes, we have served enough nontrivial policy changes to recognize the inherent iron grip of status quo forces can be shattered and policy can progress. in the next few weeks, we can anticipate and hope that the debate over the regulation of guns and the balance between individual rights and civic obligation will command sustained into serious attention from our political leadership. advocates will mobilize as lobbyists plied their cases. in this unruly mix, universities like ours can and will discharge a critical role in providing principled scaffolding for this debate. here at johns hopkins, our scholars have been investigating the public health effects of gun violence for well over two decades. for the past 17 years, the center for gun aussie and research, envisaged by our colleague, has provided a home for that study areas producing nationally recognized research and recommendations aimed at understanding and curtailing the impact
lyndon johnson's legislative genius to process forward, beat back resistance and over, what seem to be an unshakable logjam. in short, in our lifetime we observed enough nontrivial policy change to recognize that the iron grip of static coal forces can be shattered and policy can progress. in the next few weeks we can anticipate and hope that the debate over the effect of regulation of guns and the appropriate balance between individual rights and civic obligations will command sustained and serious attention from our political leadership. advocates will mobilize as lobbyists apply to cases, and politicians will fight over the issues. we know that. and in this unruly mix, universities like ours can and will discharge a critical role providing principle holdings for this debate. here at johns hopkins, our scholars have been investigating the public health affects of gun violence for well over two decades. for the past 17 years, the center for gun policy and research, as visited by our colleague him has provided a home for the study, producing nationally recognized research and rec
, and lyndon b. johnson in six years as majority leader faced one, and harry reid has faced 361 in the same six-year period. and even if you have the 60 votes to end one, they take up the power of the senate. >> stephanie: you know what is interesting. they just did this study -- this is no surprise to you, but the 112th congress was the most polarized ever. the distance between the two due to record levels between the 111th and 112th even different than the before when they used to take out pistols and shoot each over. >> yes. >> stephanie: i look at poll after poll -- i mean 90% of the american people want background checks for gun -- and you think -- and yet you hear over and over we're probably not going to be able to get any of this gun stuff done. but this is part of the reason right? >> it is part of the reason. why are we talking about reducing food stamps and hunger programs at a time when we can't even close a loophole for a oil company. well, it's a filibuster. dream act, why couldn't we do it? filibuster. and we had 59 votes to close debate, and we needed 6
Search Results 0 to 10 of about 11 (some duplicates have been removed)